Home PoliticsBill Advancing In Congress To Protect Kids Online Could Create Complications For Marijuana Businesses In Legal States

Bill Advancing In Congress To Protect Kids Online Could Create Complications For Marijuana Businesses In Legal States

December 16, 2025

Kids Online Safety Act cannabis advertising isn’t a tidy policy headline; it’s a bar fight between safety promises and the messy, lived-in realities of a legal market still treated like contraband. A House subcommittee just pushed the bill forward on a party-line 13–10 vote, with Republicans cheering and Democrats grimacing, and the pitch is simple on paper: shield minors from ads for narcotics, cannabis, tobacco, gambling, and alcohol. In practice, it could make legal marijuana marketing feel like whispering through a locked door. The measure, filed by Rep. Gus Bilirakis of Florida, defines covered platforms as public-facing forums with searchable usernames, follow functions, user-generated content, engagement design, and targeted ads. If you’re online and you sell attention for a living, you’re probably in scope. The text lives here, for the curious and the caffeinated: H.R. 6484.

The rub is the knowledge standard: platforms can’t facilitate ads for those regulated categories to anyone they know is a minor. Sounds obvious until you try to build it. Age is a slippery thing on the internet. Birthdates are aspirational. IP addresses lie like bad alibis. That pushes companies toward blunt instruments — default blocks, sweeping filters, or whole-category bans — which invites collateral damage for legitimate, legal cannabis businesses that already jump through more hoops than a sideshow acrobat. The bill also instructs platforms to actively guard against content presenting the distribution, sale, or use of those products as a risk to minors. Earlier drafts reportedly singled out video-streaming safeguards; that language seems to have fallen out in the current version, and no one’s saying why. The legislative bread crumbs, including the subcommittee markup, are posted by the House panel that advanced it: markup schedule and the amended text.

Critics from civil liberties circles and free-market think tanks have a familiar refrain: when lawmakers write with a broom instead of a pen, speech gets swept out with the trash. If the test is whether content is accessible to minors — not targeted at them — then vast stretches of lawful advertising, education, and advocacy become radioactive by association. At the state level, similar youth-safety schemes have struggled in court; judges keep asking hard questions about vagueness, prior restraint, and the First Amendment. Colorado even flirted with a bill so broad it risked ensnaring chatter about legal psychedelics and over-the-counter cough syrup in the same net. Meanwhile, government surveys continue to show that youth cannabis use hasn’t spiked in legal markets and has fallen in many — a counterintuitive reality that suggests regulation, ID checks, and licensed storefronts may do more to protect kids than treating cannabis like a ghost story you can’t say out loud. The gulf between panic and policy is wide, and it’s where nuance goes to die.

For the cannabis industry, the operational math is ugly but solvable — if you plan like a paranoid chef guarding a secret recipe. Expect more platforms to default to category blocks and require advertisers to prove age-gating rigor, geography controls, and compliance logs. Smart marketers will pivot to contextual placements, first-party age-verified lists, whitelisted publishers, and retailers’ own channels. Think geofenced on-premise screens, opt-in newsletters, loyalty apps, in-store QR flows, and verified marketplaces in states with mature rules. Expect a premium on creative that reads as informative rather than enticing, with disclaimers up front and product shots that don’t flirt with youth aesthetics. And don’t ignore the broader federal climate shaping platform risk tolerance; when prosecutors argue that cannabis users are uniquely risky in other contexts, platforms pay attention. For a reminder of how those narratives ripple through policy debates, see Marijuana Users ‘Pose A Greater Danger’ Than Alcohol Drinkers, Trump DOJ Tells SCOTUS In Gun Rights Case Filing.

There’s also the politics — because there’s always the politics. Republicans championing KOSA might frame it as parental empowerment, while Democrats warn of overreach and speech chills. At the same time, Washington flirts with a softer stance on cannabis scheduling, dangling incremental reform that could ease banking and tax pressure even as ad pipes constrict. Voters notice the whiplash. Their patience is wearing thin with contradictions and half-measures, which shows up in the polls: Only Six Percent Of Marijuana Consumers Approve Of Trump’s Reform Actions, But Most Would Shift Opinion If He Reschedules, Poll Finds. The headlines ping-pong by the week — Trump Says He’s ‘Very Strongly’ Considering Rescheduling Marijuana As Rumors Swell About Imminent Reform — and so do the motives assigned to them — Trump Is Trying To Boost ‘Pathetic’ Approval Ratings With Marijuana Rescheduling Move, Senator Says As Democrats Push Full Legalization. If KOSA becomes law, legal cannabis will need to navigate a world where speech tightens while policy loosens — fewer megaphones, more compliance, and no excuses. Until Congress sorts the contradictions, the smart move is to keep your marketing clean, your paperwork cleaner, and your supply as pristine as your conscience — and if you’re shopping for compliant, high-quality THCA flower, start here: our shop.

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